Human Rights Watch Word Report 2016: penal system abuses and inhuman and degrading treatments in Southern Mediterranean Countries

  • 31 January 2016

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World Report 2016 summarizes key human rights issues in more than 90 countries and territories worldwide. It reflects investigative work that Human Rights Watch staff undertook in 2015, usually in close partnership with human rights activists in the country in focus.
Among the data, spread by this NGO, there are data about penal system, inhuman and degrading treatments and torture. Southern Mediterranean Countries are involved in Human Rights Watch investigation.
In particular, in Egypt, Human Rights Watch denounced security force abuse. On July 1, in fact, a special police unit acting on information from the Interior Ministry’s National Security Agency raided an apartment in a Cairo suburb and killed nine Brotherhood officials. The government claimed the nine belonged to a “special operations committee” and died in a shootout, but relatives said the men did not carry weapons, and Human Rights Watch found that the deaths may have constituted extrajudicial executions.
National Security officers were responsible for dozens of enforced disappearances, often targeting political activists. Human Rights Watch documented the cases of five forced disappearances and two likely forced disappearances between April 2014 and June 2015. Three of these cases resulted in death.
The National Security Agency banned scores of Egyptians—including activists, politicians and academics—from traveling. It did so with little or no oversight from judges or prosecutors and did not provide those who were banned with any way of challenging the decision, violating the fundamental international right to freedom of movement.
The NGO said that police regularly used torture in their investigations. A January 2015 report by an Egyptian human rights law firm said its lawyers had interviewed 465 alleged victims of police torture and ill-treatment between October 2013 and August 2014 and filed 163 complaints to prosecutors, of which only seven reached the courts.
The Human Rights Watch alarm is also about the lack of penal accountability and real consequences of abuses for Forces. On June 11, an Egyptian court sentenced a lieutenant in the Central Security Forces to 15 years in prison for the killing of Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, a member of a socialist political party shot dead when police dispersed a small protest in a downtown Cairo square on January 24. The verdict in al-Sabbagh’s case marked the first time since Morsy’s ouster in July 2013 that a law enforcement officer in Egypt received a prison sentence for killing a protester, despite hundreds of such deaths.
Photographs, videos, and witness statements strongly indicate that a member of Egypt’s security forces was responsible for fatally shooting a female protester in a downtown Cairo square on January 24, 2015.
At time of writing, no government official or member of the security forces had been charged for the killing of at least 817 protesters in Cairo’s Rab’a al-Adawiya Square on August 14, 2013—a likely crime against humanity. On August 13, a court halved a 10-year prison sentence handed to a police officer who participated in the tear gas suffocation of 37 people whom police had arrested from Rab’a Square.
The NGO’s data denounces also a problem in detention field. In October, the Interior Ministry announced that nearly 12,000 people had been arrested on terrorism charges in 2015, adding to the 22,000 people security officials said had already been arrested as of July 2014. The actual number is likely higher; the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights documented more than 41,000 arrests, indictments, or sentencings between July 2013 and May 2014.
On September 23, al-Sisi pardoned 100 prisoners, including youth activists–some in poor health–and Al Jazeera journalists Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed, but many political prisoners did not receive pardons, including Ahmed Maher and Mohamed Adel, founders of the April 6th Youth Movement; Mahienour al-Masry, a human rights lawyer from Alexandria; and at least 18 journalists, including photographer Mahmoud Abu Zeid, whom police arrested in August 2013 and whose trial began in December.
The Egyptian Coordination for Rights and Freedoms, an independent group, documented 47 deaths in custody between January and June and said in an October report that 209 detainees had died due to medical negligence since al-Sisi took office in June 2014.
The alarm is extended also as far as concerned due process violations and mass death sentences. On June 16, a criminal court sentenced Morsy and 114 others to death in two related cases based almost entirely on the testimony of security officials, who claimed that Morsy and the Brotherhood had conspired with Hamas and Hezbollah to break out of prison during the 2011 uprising and had killed police officers in the process. Human Rights Watch found that prosecutors presented no evidence to substantiate the security officials’ testimony and that the case appeared to be politically motivated.
Since Morsy’s removal, courts have handed down at least 547 initial death sentences in cases connected to political violence, most involving Brotherhood members. Nearly all those sentences remained on appeal in 2015. The state carried out one execution in a case of political violence in March and executed another six men–accused of belonging to a militant cell and killing army officers in a shootout–in May following an unfair military trial.
Mass trials also involved those not belonging to the Brotherhood. In February, a judge sentenced activist Ahmed Douma, women’s rights defender Hend al-Nafea, and 228 others to life in prison for participating in a December 2011 protest.
Between January and September 2015, authorities charged or sentenced at least 3,164 people–most of them alleged Brotherhood members–in military courts.
About Algeria the Human Rights Watch Report 2016 refers that perpetrators of human rights crimes and abuses during the internal armed conflict of the 1990s continued to enjoy impunity under the 1999 Law on Peace and National Reconciliation. This law criminalizes comments deemed to denigrate the security forces or state institutions for their conduct during the political strife of the 1990s, during which state forces committed torture, enforced disappearances, unlawful killings, and other serious abuses.
Associations representing the families of the disappeared continued to face official harassment and pressure to accept state offers of compensation provided under the same law, and to abandon their demands for details of the fate of those missing and for truth and justice.
In Morocco and Nord Sahara problems involved Police Conduct, Torture, and the Criminal Justice System. A new law took effect in July ending military court jurisdiction over civilian defendants. The case of Mbarek Daoudi, a Sahrawi activist facing a military court trial since September 2013 on minor weapons charges, was transferred to a First Instance Court in Guelmine, which sentenced him to three months in prison in March. He remained in custody to face a second trial in an Agadir court, which on December 3 convicted and sentenced him to five years in prison.
Twenty-two other Sahrawis continued serving prison sentences of between 20 years and life that a military court imposed in 2013. The men, who include a few well-known activists, had been charged in connection with violence that erupted on November 8, 2010, when authorities dismantled the Gdeim Izik protest camp in Western Sahara. Eleven security officers were killed in the violence. The military court failed to investigate defendants’ allegations that police had tortured or coerced them into signing false statements, and relied almost exclusively on those statements to convict. The new law ending military court trials of civilians did not retroactively benefit these defendants.
In November 2014, Morocco deposited with the United Nations its ratification of the Optional Protocol of the Convention against Torture (OPCAT). At time of writing, it had not designated the National Protection Mechanism that OPCAT envisions for inspecting places of detention.
Courts failed to uphold fair trial rights in political and security-related cases. Authorities continued to imprison hundreds of Islamists suspected of violence arrested in the wake of the Casablanca bombings of May 2003. Many were serving sentences imposed after unfair trials following months of secret detention, ill-treatment and, in some cases, torture.
Police have arrested hundreds more suspects since further terrorist attacks in 2007 and 2011. Courts convicted many on charges of belonging to a “terrorist network,” recruiting, undergoing military training, or preparing to join Islamist fighters in Iraq, Syria, or elsewhere. Morocco’s 2003 counterterrorism law contains an overly broad definition of “terrorism” and allows for up to 12 days of garde à vue (pre-charge) detention.
Moroccan courts continued to impose the death penalty, but authorities have not carried out executions since the early 1990s.
Prison overcrowding is exacerbated by the tendency of courts to order the detention of suspects awaiting trial. As of August 31, 41 percent of prisoners—or 31,334 out of a total of 76,794—were in pretrial detention, according to the prison administration.
Leftist activist Wafae Charaf continued to serve a two-year prison sentence for slander and “falsely” reporting an offense after she filed a complaint alleging that unknown men abducted and tortured her after a workers’ protest in April 2014 in Tangiers.
In Tunisia the Human Rights Watch examined transitional justice and accountability .On December 24, 2013, the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) adopted the Law on Establishing and Organizing Transitional Justice.
The law sets out a comprehensive approach to addressing past human rights abuses. It provides criminal accountability via specialized chambers within the civil court system to adjudicate cases arising from past human rights violations, including abuses committed by military and security forces.
The law also established a Truth and Dignity Commission (TDC) tasked with uncovering the truth about abuses committed between July 1955, shortly before Tunisia’s independence from France, and the law’s adoption in 2013. The NCA elected 15 of the TDC’s members on May 15, 2014, and in August 2015, the TDC said it had received 16,000 complaints from people alleging human rights abuses and had begun processing them.
On July 14, however, the government approved a draft Law on Economic and Financial Reconciliation, strongly supported by President Essebsi. If enacted, the law will offer broad amnesty to officials of the former Ben Ali regime and will terminate prosecutions and trials of, and cancel any sentences against, corrupt business executives who submit a reconciliation request to a state-run commission.
The proposed law would threaten the TDC’s role, mandated under the transitional justice law, to mediate cases relating to corruption and economic crimes, which were endemic during the 23-year rule of former President Ben Ali.
As far as Counterterrorism and Security concerned Tunisia’s parliament adopted a new counterterrorism law on July 25 that imperils human rights and lacks adequate safeguards against abuses. The law, which replaced the 2003 counterterrorism law enacted by the Ben Ali administration, affords the security forces broad and vague monitoring and surveillance powers, extends incommunicado detention from six to up to 15 days for terrorism suspects, and permits courts to close hearings to the public and allow the identities of witnesses to be withheld from defendants.
A Human Rights Watch study from July found that Tunisian authorities, under the guise of fighting terrorism, were arbitrarily banning persons under age 35 from travel to countries including Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Turkey unless they obtain their father’s authorization to travel, even though Tunisian law does not require adults to obtain such authorization.
There is a problem also about Tunisian judicial independence. The constitution guarantees judicial independence. On May 15, parliament approved a law to create a constitutionally mandated Supreme Judicial Council (SJC). Its functions will include making judicial appointments and overseeing judicial discipline and the career progression of judges.
A week after its adoption, 30 members of parliament challenged the new law before the Constitutional Council, itself a temporary body, arguing that its composition and mandate failed to implement the constitutional chapter on the judiciary. In June, the council issued a decision invalidating the law and sent it back to the parliament for revision. On November 13, the parliament adopted the final version of the law, upholding the Constitutional Council’s request to remove membership of the general prosecutor of military justice as an ex-officio member.
Finally, the NGO denounced the use of torture and inhuman and degrading treatments. In May 2014, the UN special rapporteur on torture said that Tunisian prosecutors and judges had taken “very little action” to pursue torture complaints dating from the Ben Ali era and since the 2011 revolution.
This failure continued through 2015. Although the National Constituent Assembly approved legislation to create a 16-member High Authority for the Prevention of Torture in October 2013, by September the parliament had yet to select any members. Under its mandate, the High Authority will carry out unannounced inspections of detention sites.
In 2015, Tunisian law still allows police to deny those they arrest access to a lawyer for the first six days of their detention, typically the period when detainees face the greatest pressure to “confess.” The counterterrorism law adopted in July extended this to a maximum of 15 days in the case of terrorism suspects, increasing the risk of torture.
There were several documented incidents of torture and other mistreatment in 2015. On August 4, seven men detained on suspicion of terrorism filed formal complaints of torture upon release. Shortly after, officers of the police counterterrorism unit they had accused rearrested them. The men underwent forensic medical examination that concluded that five of them bore marks consistent with their torture allegations. On August 10, the prosecutor of the First Instance Tribunal in Tunis opened an investigation but had yet to reveal its outcome at time of writing.
Earlier, the prosecutor of the First Instance Tribunal of Sidi Bouzid opened an investigation into the case of Abdelmajid Ejday after he died on May 13 while held at the city’s National Guard headquarters. Ejday had filed a torture complaint four weeks earlier against officers from the same police unit force who had detained him in February. A forensic medical examination reported finding injuries on his body. At time of writing, the prosecutor had not announced the outcome of his investigation.

Nel World Report 2016 sono sintetizzate le questioni fondamentali dei diritti umani in più di 90 paesi e territori in tutto il mondo. Il report è il risultato delle indagini che il personale dell’Organizzazione non governativa Human Rights Watch ha condotto nel 2015, in stretta collaborazione con gli attivisti dei diritti umani nei differenti Paesi.
Tra le analisi condotte da quest’ONG, ci sono i dati relativi sistema penale, trattamenti inumani e degradanti e tortura. Anche i dati relativi ai Paesi del Mediterraneo meridionale sono riportati nel Report.
In particolare, in Egitto, Human Rights Watch ha denunciato gli abusi delle forze di sicurezza. Il 1 ° luglio, infatti, una speciale unità di polizia sulla base d’informazioni da National Security Agency del ministero dell’Interno ha fatto irruzione un appartamento in un sobborgo del Cairo e ucciso nove funzionari della Fratellanza. Il governo ha affermato che i nove appartenevano a un “comitato operativo speciale” e sono deceduti in uno scontro a fuoco. I parenti delle vittime, tuttavia, hanno dichiarato che esse non possedevano armi. Secondo Human Rights Watch questo potrebbe essere un’esecuzione extragiudiziale.
Addetti alla sicurezza nazionale sono stati responsabili di decine di sparizioni forzate, spesso nei confronti di attivisti politici. Human Rights Watch ha documentato alcuni casi di sparizioni forzate tra aprile 2014 e giugno 2015. Tre di questi casi si sono conclusi con la morte dell’individuo che inizialmente sparito.
La National Security Agency ha vietato ad alcuni egiziano, tra cui attivisti, politici ed accademici, di viaggiare. Tale misura è stata presa in seguito a pochissimo o alcun controllo di giudici o pubblici ministeri e non ha fornito la possibilità di contestare la decisione, violando il diritto internazionale fondamentale alla libertà di movimento.
L’ONG ha dichiarato che la polizia, nella conduzione delle indagini, utilizza regolarmente la tortura. A gennaio 2015 un rapporto sui diritti umani di uno studio legale egiziano ha denunciato che ammontavano a 465 presunte vittime di torture e maltrattamenti della polizia tra ottobre 2013 e agosto 2014, le denunce depositate alla Procura della Repubblica erano 163, ma solo sette tra queste sono arrivate in tribunale.
L’allarme lanciato da Human Rights Watch riguarda anche per la mancanza di responsabilità penale e di conseguenze reali relativamente agli abusi commessi dalle forze dell’ordine. Un dato positivo però è rappresentato dal fatto che, lo scorso giugno, un tribunale egiziano ha condannato un tenente delle Forze di Sicurezza Centrale a 15 anni di carcere per l’uccisione di Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, un membro di un partito politico socialista (uccisa durante l’intervento della polizia in una piccola manifestazione al Cairo nel gennaio 2015). Questa è la prima volta -dopo la cacciata di Morsy nel luglio 2013- che un funzionario di polizia in Egitto ha ricevuto una pena detentiva per aver ucciso un manifestante, nonostante le centinaia di queste morti.
Tale sentenza è stata possibile grazie all’uso di fotografie, video e testimonianze, che hanno dimostrato il membro delle forze di sicurezza egiziane era responsabile della morte della manifestante.
Tuttavia, fino a questo momento, nessun funzionario del governo o membro delle forze di sicurezza era stato accusato per l’uccisione di almeno 817 manifestanti al Cairo nell’agosto 2013, un possibile crimine contro l’umanità. Inoltre, un tribunale ha dimezzato una pena detentiva di 10 anni inflitta ad un funzionario di polizia coinvolto nell’uccisione per soffocamento mediante gas lacrimogeni di 37 persone, durante una manifestazione.
I dati del Ong denunciano anche irregolarità in materia di arresti. Nel mese di ottobre, il ministero dell’Interno ha annunciato che circa 12.000 persone sono state arrestate con l’accusa di terrorismo nel 2015. Nel 2014 erano 22.000 secondo i funzionari della sicurezza. Il numero reale è probabilmente più elevato; altre stime parlano di 41.000 arresti, rinvii a giudizio, o sentenza tra il luglio 2013 e il maggio 2014.
Il 23 settembre, al-Sisi ha graziato 100 prigionieri, tra cui giovani attivisti -alcuni in cattive condizioni di salute-e i giornalisti Al Jazeera Mohamed Fahmy e Baher Mohamed, ma molti prigionieri politici non hanno ricevuto indulti, tra cui Ahmed Maher e Mohamed Adel, fondatori di Movimento Giovanile 6 aprile; Mahienour al-Masry, un avvocato per i diritti umani di Alessandria; e almeno 18 giornalisti, tra cui Mahmoud Abu Zeid fotografo, che la polizia ha arrestato nel mese di agosto 2013 e il cui processo è iniziato nel mese di dicembre.
Il Coordinamento egiziano per i diritti e le libertà, un gruppo indipendente, documentati 47 decessi in custodia tra gennaio e giugno e ha detto in un rapporto di ottobre che 209 detenuti sono morti a causa di negligenza medica, da giugno 2014, quando al-Sisi assunto l’incarico di Presidente della Repubblica.
L’allarme è esteso anche per quanto riguarda le violazioni del giusto processo e le condanne a morte di massa. Il 16 giugno, un tribunale penale ha condannato Morsy e altri 114 a morte basandosi quasi interamente sulla testimonianza di funzionari della sicurezza, che hanno sostenuto che Morsi ed i Fratelli avevano cospirato con Hamas e Hezbollah nella rivolta del 2011 e avevano ucciso agenti di polizia nel processo. Human Rights Watch ha scoperto che i pubblici ministeri non hanno presentato alcuna prova a sostegno delle testimonianze dei funzionari della sicurezza e che il caso sembrava essere “politicamente motivato”.
Dalla rimozione di Morsi, i tribunali hanno ereditato almeno 547 condanne a morte iniziali nei casi connessi alla violenza politica, la maggior parte coinvolgono membri della Fratellanza. Quasi tutte quelle sentenze sono state rigettate in appello nel 2015. È stata effettuata un’esecuzione in un caso di violenza politica in marzo altri sei uomini sono stati giustiziati a maggio -poiché accusati di appartenere ad una cellula militante e di aver ucciso ufficiali dell’esercito in una sparatoria- a seguito di un ingiusto processo militare.
Nei processi di massa sono coinvolti anche coloro che non appartengono alla Fratellanza. Nel mese di febbraio, un giudice ha condannato l’attivista Ahmed Douma, il difensore dei diritti delle donne Hend al-Nafea, e altri 228 al carcere a vita per aver partecipato ad una protesta nel dicembre 2011.
Tra gennaio e settembre 2015, le autorità hanno accusato o condannato almeno 3.164 persone -la maggior parte di loro in quanto presunti membri della Fratellanza- in tribunali militari.
Il Report 2016 di Human Rights Watch, a proposito dell’Algeria, riferisce che i responsabili di crimini contro i diritti umani e gli abusi durante il conflitto armato interno del 1990 hanno continuato a godere dell’impunità ai sensi della legge 1999 sulla pace e la riconciliazione nazionale. Questa legge criminalizza commenti ritenuti denigratori nei confronti delle forze di sicurezza o delle istituzioni statali per la loro condotta durante la lotta politica degli anni 1990, durante la quale le forze di Stato hanno compiuto torture, sparizioni forzate, uccisioni illegali e altri abusi gravi.
Le associazioni che rappresentano le famiglie degli scomparsi hanno continuato a subire vessazioni e pressioni per accettare le offerte di compensazioni previste nella stessa legge, e per far cessare le richieste di dettagli del destino dei dispersi e di verità e giustizia ufficiale.
In Marocco e Nord del Sahara l’ONG ha rilevato problemi riguardo la condotta della polizia, la tortura, e il sistema di giustizia penale. Una nuova legge, entrata in vigore nel mese di luglio, pone fine alla giurisdizione del tribunale militare su imputati civili. Il caso, dunque, di Mbarek Daoudi, un attivista giudicato in un processo giudiziario militare dal settembre 2013 con l’accusa di detenzione di armi, è stato trasferito a un giudice civile, che lo ha condannato a tre mesi di carcere. Rimasto in carcere per affrontare un secondo processo, a dicembre è stato condannato a cinque anni di prigione.
Ventidue altri attivisti continuano a scontare pene detentive tra i 20 anni e l’ergastolo imposte da un tribunale militare nel 2013. Gli uomini, erano stati accusati in relazione alla violenza scoppiata l’8 novembre del 2010, nella quale undici agenti di sicurezza rimasero uccisi. Il tribunale militare non ha indagato sulle dichiarazioni degli imputati che affermavano che la polizia li aveva torturato o costretti a firmare dichiarazioni false, utilizzate come base per la pronuncia delle condanne. La nuova legge però non ha effetto retroattivo e quindi questi imputati non beneficiano di essa.
Nel mese di novembre 2014, il Marocco ha depositato alle Nazioni Unite la propria ratifica del Protocollo opzionale alla Convenzione contro la tortura (OPCAT). Tutt’oggi, non è stato predisposto il meccanismo di protezione nazionale che l’OPCAT prevede per il controllo dei luoghi di detenzione.
Le Corti non sono riuscite a difendere il diritto ad un processo equo né nei casi di processi politici che relativi a questioni di sicurezza. Le autorità hanno continuato ad imprigionare centinaia di islamisti sospettati di violenza, arrestati in seguito agli attentati di Casablanca del maggio 2003. Molti stanno scontando pene imposte dopo processi iniqui dopo mesi di detenzione segreta, maltrattamenti e, in alcuni casi, torture.
La polizia ha arrestato centinaia di altri sospetti per attacchi terroristici nel 2007 e nel 2011. I tribunali ne hanno condannati molti con l’accusa di appartenere ad una “rete terroristica”, di compiere reclutamento, addestramento militare, o preparazione per unirsi combattenti islamici in Iraq, Siria o altrove. La legge antiterrorismo del Marocco contiene una definizione troppo ampia di “terrorismo” e permette fino a 12 giorni di detenzione preventiva.
I tribunali marocchini hanno continuato a condannare a morte, anche se le autorità non effettuano esecuzioni dal primi anni 1990.
Il sovraffollamento carcerario è aggravato dalla tendenza dei tribunali di ordinare la detenzione di sospetti in attesa di processo. Lo scorso agosto, il 41% dei detenuti, o 31.334 su un totale di 76.794, erano in detenzione preventiva, secondo l’amministrazione penitenziaria.
Un’attivista di sinistra Wafae Charaf ha continuato a scontare una pena detentiva di due anni per calunnia, la falsa segnalazione di un reato, dopo aver presentato una denuncia secondo la quale sconosciuti l’avevano rapita e torturata dopo le sue proteste a favore dei lavoratori nel mese di aprile 2014 a Tangeri.
In Tunisia l’ONG Human Rights Watch ha esaminato il sistema giudiziario di transizione. A Dicembre 2013, l’Assemblea Costituente Nazionale (NCA) ha adottato la legge che istituisce e organizza la giustizia transizionale.
La legge definisce un approccio globale per affrontare passate violazioni dei diritti umani. Essa prevede la responsabilità penale attraverso sezioni specializzate all’interno del sistema giudiziario civile per giudicare i casi derivanti da violazioni dei diritti umani del passato, tra cui gli abusi commessi dalle forze militari e di sicurezza.
La legge ha anche stabilito una Commissione per la verità e la dignità (PMS) con il compito di scoprire la verità su abusi commessi tra il luglio 1955, poco prima dell’indipendenza della Tunisia dalla Francia, e l’adozione della legge nel 2013. La NCA ha eletto 15 dei membri della TDC nel 2014, e nel mese di agosto 2015, il TDC ha detto di aver ricevuto 16.000 denunce per presunte violazioni dei diritti umani.
Il 14 luglio, tuttavia, il governo ha approvato un progetto di legge per la riconciliazione economica e finanziaria, fortemente voluta dal presidente Essebsi. Se adottata, la legge offrirà un’ampia amnistia ai funzionari dell’ex regime di Ben Ali e farà cessare azioni penali e processi, cancellando qualsiasi sentenza contro i dirigenti aziendali corrotti che presentano una domanda di riconciliazione ad una commissione statale.
La proposta di legge metterebbe a rischio il ruolo della TDC, facendo rientrare nella giustizia di transizione, casi relativi a corruzione e reati economici, endemici durante i 23 anni dell’ex presidente Ben Ali.
Per quanto riguarda l’antiterrorismo e la sicurezza il parlamento della Tunisia ha adottato una nuova legge antiterrorismo a luglio, che mette in pericolo i diritti umani e manca di adeguate garanzie contro gli abusi. La legge, che ha sostituito la legge antiterrorismo del 2003 emanata dall’amministrazione Ben Ali, offre i poteri di controllo e di sorveglianza alle forze di sicurezza, estende la detenzione in communicado da sei a un massimo di 15 giorni per i sospetti terroristi, permette ai tribunali di chiudere le udienze al pubblico e consente di celare l’identità dei testimoni agli imputati.
Uno studio di Human Rights Watch da luglio ha rilevato che le autorità tunisine, con il pretesto della lotta al terrorismo, hanno arbitrariamente vietato a persone under 35 di viaggiare in alcuni paesi -tra cui Algeria, Libia, Marocco e Turchia- se non previa autorizzazione paterna.
In merito all’indipendenza della magistratura tunisina, la Costituzione garantisce l’indipendenza della magistratura. Il 15 maggio, il parlamento ha approvato una legge per creare un mandato costituzionale del Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura (SJC). Le sue funzioni comprendono la sorveglianza della disciplina giudiziaria e la valutazione della progressione di carriera dei giudici.
Una settimana dopo la sua adozione, 30 membri del parlamento hanno impugnato la nuova legge dinanzi al Consiglio costituzionale, sostenendo che la sua composizione e il mandato non soddisfano il capitolo costituzionale sulla magistratura. Nel mese di giugno, il Consiglio ha emesso la decisione di invalidare la legge e l’ha inviata al Parlamento per la revisione. Il 13 novembre, il Parlamento ha adottato la versione definitiva della legge, confermando la richiesta del Consiglio costituzionale di rimuovere l’appartenenza del procuratore generale della giustizia militare come membro d’ufficio.
Infine, l’ONG ha denunciato l’uso della tortura e di trattamenti inumani e degradanti. Nel mese di maggio 2014, il relatore speciale dell’ONU sulla tortura, ha detto che i pubblici ministeri e giudici tunisini avevano non avevano indagato sulle denunce di tortura che risalgono al periodo di Ben Ali e dopo la rivoluzione del 2011. La situazione era la stessa anche nel 2015, anche se l’Assemblea Nazionale Costituente ha approvato una legge per creare un’Autorità di 16 membri per la prevenzione della tortura nel mese di ottobre del 2013, non ancora in forza. Sotto il suo mandato, l’Alta Autorità effettuerà ispezioni senza preavviso dei siti di detenzione.
Nel 2015, la legge tunisina permette ancora alla polizia di negare l’accesso a un avvocato per i primi sei giorni di detenzione, in genere il periodo in cui i detenuti devono affrontare la maggiore pressione per confessare. La legge antiterrorismo approvata nel luglio ha esteso tale periodo ad un massimo di 15 giorni, in caso di sospetti terroristi, aumentando il rischio di tortura.
Ci sono stati diversi episodi documentati di tortura e altri maltrattamenti nel 2015. Il 4 agosto, sette uomini arrestati con l’accusa di terrorismo, hanno presentato denunce formali di torture al momento del rilascio. Poco dopo, gli agenti dell’unità anti-terrorismo della polizia che avevano accusato li hanno nuovamente arrestati. Gli uomini sono stati sottoposti a visita medico-legale che ha concluso che cinque di loro avevano segni coerenti con le accuse di tortura. Il 10 agosto, il procuratore del Tribunale primo grado di Tunisi ha aperto un’inchiesta.
In precedenza, il procuratore del Tribunale di Sidi Bouzid ha aperto un’indagine sul caso di Abdelmajid Ejday dopo la sua morte, il 13 maggio, mentre era presso la sede della Guardia Nazionale della città. Ejday aveva presentato una denuncia di tortura quattro settimane prima contro gli agenti che lo avevano arrestato nel mese di febbraio. Un esame medico legale riferì di aver trovato ferite sul suo corpo.

Le Rapport mondial de 2,016 résume les principales questions de droits de l’homme dans plus de 90 pays et territoires à travers le monde. Le rapport est le résultat de l’enquête que le personnel de l’ONG Human Rights Watch a mené en 2015, en étroite coopération avec les militants des droits de l’homme dans différents pays.
Parmi les analyses menées par cette ONG, il existe des données sur le système de justice pénale, traitements inhumains et dégradants et à la torture. Les données pour les pays du sud de la Méditerranée sont présentées dans le rapport.
En particulier, en Egypte, Human Rights Watch a dénoncé les abus des forces de sécurité. Le 1er Juillet, en fait, une unité spéciale de la police sur la base des informations de l’Agence de sécurité nationale du ministère de l’Intérieur perquisitionné un appartement dans une banlieue du Caire et tué neuf fonctionnaires de la Fraternité. Le gouvernement a déclaré que les neuf appartenaient à un «comité de service spécial» et sont morts dans une fusillade. Les proches des victimes, toutefois, ont déclaré qu’ils ne disposaient pas d’armes. Human Rights Watch a déclaré que cela pourrait être une exécution extrajudiciaire.
Les agents de sécurité nationale ont été responsables de dizaines de disparitions forcées, souvent contre des militants politiques. Human Rights Watch a documenté plusieurs cas de disparition forcée entre Avril 2014 et Juin 2015. Trois de ces cas ont abouti à la mort de l’individu qui a initialement disparu.
La National Security Agency a interdit certains égyptienne, y compris des militants, des politiciens et des universitaires de voyager. Cette mesure a été prise à la suite de peu ou pas de contrôle des juges ou des procureurs, et n’a pas eu la possibilité de contester la décision, en violation de la loi internationale essentielle à la liberté de mouvement.
L’ONG a déclaré que la police dans la conduite des enquêtes, utilisent régulièrement la torture. En Janvier 2015, un rapport sur les droits de l’homme dans un cabinet d’avocats se plaignait que l’Egypte est élevé à 465 victimes présumées de torture et de mauvais traitements de la police entre Octobre 2013 et Août 2014, les plaintes déposées au Bureau du Procureur étaient 163, mais seulement sept d’entre eux sont arriver au tribunal.
Le cri d’alarme lancé par Human Rights Watch concerne également de l’absence de responsabilité pénale et de réelles conséquences en ce qui concerne les abus commis par la police. Un point positif est toutefois le fait que, Juin dernier, un tribunal égyptien a condamné un lieutenant des Forces de sécurité centrale à 15 ans de prison pour avoir tué Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, un membre d’un parti politique socialiste (tués lors de l’intervention de la police dans une petite manifestation au Caire en Janvier 2015). Ceci est la première fois -après l’expulsion de Morsy en Juillet 2013- qu’un agent de police en Egypte a reçu une peine de prison pour avoir tué un manifestant, en dépit des centaines de ces décès.
Ce jugement a été rendu possible grâce à l’utilisation des photographies, des vidéos et des témoignages, qui ont montré le membre des forces de sécurité égyptiennes ont été responsables de la mort du manifestant.
Cependant, jusqu’à maintenant, aucun fonctionnaire du gouvernement ou d’un membre des forces de sécurité n’avaient été accusés d’avoir tué au moins 817 manifestants au Caire en Août 2013, un possible crime contre l’humanité. En outre, un tribunal de moitié une peine d’emprisonnement de 10 ans imposée à un agent de police impliqué dans le meurtre par asphyxie par les gaz lacrymogènes de 37 personnes lors d’une manifestation.
Les données de l’ONG ont également dénoncé des irrégularités dans les arrestations. En Octobre, le ministère de l’Intérieur a annoncé que 12.000 personnes ont été arrêtées sur des accusations de terrorisme en 2015. En 2014 ont été de 22.000 agents de sécurité seconde. Le nombre réel est probablement plus élevé; d’autres estimations de 41.000 arrestations, des actes d’accusation, ou de jugement entre Juillet 2013 et mai 2014.
Le 23 Septembre, al-Sisi a gracié 100 prisonniers, y compris les jeunes militants de certains en mauvaise santé et journalistes d’Al Jazeera et Mohamed Fahmy Mohamed Baher, mais beaucoup ne reçoivent pas pardons prisonniers politiques, dont Ahmed et Mohamed Maher Adel, fondateurs du Mouvement du 6 Avril jeunesse; Mahienour al-Masry, un avocat pour les droits de l’homme d’Alexandrie; et au moins 18 journalistes, dont Mahmoud Abu Zeid photographe, qui la police a arrêté en Août 2013 et dont le procès a commencé en Décembre.
Coordination droits et libertés égyptiens, un groupe indépendant, documentés 47 décès en garde à vue entre Janvier et Juin et a déclaré dans un rapport que Octobre 209 détenus sont morts en raison de la négligence médicale, à partir de Juin 2014, quand Al-Sisi Il a assumé le poste de président de la République.
L’alarme est également étendue à l’égard de violations de la légalité et des condamnations à mort de masse. Le 16 Juin, une cour criminelle a condamné à mort Morsy et 114 autres se fier presque entièrement sur le témoignage de responsables de la sécurité, qui ont soutenu que Morsi et les Frères avaient conspiré avec le Hamas et le Hezbollah dans le soulèvement de 2011 et tué des policiers dans processus. Human Rights Watch a constaté que les procureurs ont échoué à présenter aucune preuve pour appuyer le témoignage de responsables de la sécurité et que l’affaire semblait être “politiquement motivée”.
La suppression de Morsi, les tribunaux ont hérité au moins 547 condamnations à mort dans les cas liés à la violence politique initiale, la plupart impliquant des membres de la Fraternité. Presque toutes ces phrases ont été rejetées en appel en 2015. Il a été procédé à une exécution dans un cas de violence politique en Mars six autres hommes ont été exécutés en mai -depuis accusés d’appartenir à une cellule militante et meurtre d’agents ‘ armée dans une fusillade- issue d’un procès militaire injuste.
Dans les essais de masse, ils sont également impliqués ceux qui ne font pas partie de la Fraternité. En Février, un juge a condamné le militant Ahmed Douma, un défenseur des droits des femmes Hend al-Nafea, et 228 autres à la prison à vie pour avoir participé à une manifestation en Décembre 2011.
Entre Janvier et Septembre 2015, les autorités ont accusé ou reconnu coupable d’au moins 3.164 personnes -la plupart d’entre eux comme des membres présumés de Fraternité- devant des tribunaux militaires.
Le rapport 2,016 par Human Rights Watch, de l’Algérie, rapporte que les responsables de crimes contre les violations des droits de l’homme pendant le conflit armé interne en 1990 a continué de bénéficier de l’impunité en vertu de la loi de 1999 sur la paix et la réconciliation nationale. Cette loi criminalise réputée commentaires désobligeants contre les forces de sécurité ou des institutions de l’Etat pour leur conduite pendant la lutte politique des années 1990, au cours de laquelle les forces de l’Etat ont pris la torture, les disparitions forcées, homicides illégaux et autres atteintes graves.
Les associations représentant les familles des disparus ont continué à être victimes de harcèlement et de pression pour accepter des offres d’indemnisation prévues par la loi, et de cesser de demandes de précisions sur le sort des personnes disparues et la justice et la vérité officielle.
Maroc et le nord du Sahara ONG ont signalé des problèmes concernant la conduite de la police, la torture, et le système de justice pénale. Une nouvelle loi, entrée en vigueur en Juillet, la fin de la compétence de la juridiction militaire des civils accusés. Le cas, par conséquent, Mbarek Daoudi, un militant essayé dans un processus judiciaire par le militaire en Septembre 2013 sur des accusations de possession d’armes, il a été transféré à un tribunal civil, qui l’a condamné à trois mois de prison. Il est resté en prison pour faire face à un second procès, en Décembre, il a été condamné à cinq ans de prison.
Vingt-deux autres militants continuent de purger des peines de prison allant de 20 ans et l’emprisonnement à vie imposée par un tribunal militaire en 2013. Les hommes avaient été inculpés en relation avec la violence a éclaté le 8 Novembre 2010, dans lequel onze agents de sécurité ont été tués. Le tribunal militaire a enquêté sur les déclarations de l’accusé qui ont affirmé que la police les avait torturés et forcés à signer de fausses déclarations, utilisés comme base pour la prononciation des peines. La nouvelle loi ne concerne pas rétroactivement et donc ces accusés ne bénéficient pas d’elle.
En Novembre 2014, Maroc soumis aux Nations Unies sa ratification du Protocole facultatif à la Convention contre la torture (OPCAT). Pourtant, il n’a pas été préparé le mécanisme de protection qui OPCAT nationale prévoit la surveillance des lieux de détention.
Les tribunaux ont échoué à défendre le droit à un procès équitable ou en cas de processus politiques liées aux questions de sécurité. Les autorités ont continué de détenir des centaines de présumés islamistes de la violence, arrêtés après les attentats de Casablanca en mai 2003. Beaucoup sont des peines prononcées après des procès inéquitables au service après des mois de détention au secret, les mauvais traitements et, dans certains cas, la torture.
La police a arrêté des centaines d’autres suspects d’attaques terroristes en 2007 et 2011. Les tribunaux ont condamné de nombreux accusés d’appartenir à un “réseau terroriste”, pour faire le recrutement, la formation militaire, ou se préparent à rejoindre les combattants islamiques en Irak, la Syrie ou ailleurs. La Loi antiterroriste du Maroc contient une définition trop large du «terrorisme» et permet jusqu’à 12 jours de détention.
Les tribunaux marocains ont continué à être condamnés à mort, si les autorités ne procèdent à des exécutions depuis le début des années 1990.
La surpopulation carcérale est aggravée par la tendance des tribunaux à ordonner la détention de suspects en attente de jugement. Dernière Août, 41% des détenus, ou 31 334 sur un total de 76 794, étaient en garde à vue, selon l’administration pénitentiaire.
Un militant de la gauche Wafae Charaf a continué à purger une peine de prison de deux ans pour diffamation, faux rapport d’un crime, après le dépôt d’une plainte que les étrangers avaient enlevé et torturé après ses protestations pour les travailleurs en Avril 2014 à Tanger.
En Tunisie, l’ONG Human Rights Watch a examiné la transition du système judiciaire. En Décembre 2013, l’Assemblée nationale constituante (ANC) a adopté la loi portant création et organisation de la justice transitionnelle.
La loi définit une approche globale pour lutter contre les violations passées des droits de l’homme. Il prévoit la responsabilité pénale à travers des sections spécialisées au sein du système de justice civile pour entendre les affaires découlant de violations des droits humains du passé, y compris les abus commis par l’armée et la sécurité.
La loi a également créé une Commission pour la vérité et la dignité (PMA) avec la tâche de découvrir la vérité sur les violations commises entre Juillet 1955, peu de temps avant l’indépendance de la Tunisie de la France, et l’adoption de la loi en 2013. La NCA a élu 15 membres de la CCT en 2014, et en Août 2015, le TDC a dit qu’il avait reçu 16.000 plaintes de violations présumées des droits de l’homme.
Le 14 Juillet, cependant, le gouvernement a approuvé un projet de loi à la réconciliation économique et financière, fortement soutenue par le président Essebsi. Si elle est adoptée, la loi fournira une large amnistie pour les responsables de l’ancien régime de Ben Ali et cessera poursuites et les procès, effaçant tout jugement rendu contre des dirigeants d’entreprises corrompus qui font une demande de conciliation à une commission d’Etat.
Le projet de loi mettrait en péril le rôle de la CCT en rétractant dans la justice transitionnelle, les affaires de corruption et de crimes économiques, endémiques pendant les 23 ans de l’ancien président Ben Ali.
Comme pour le parlement de la sécurité anti-terrorisme et la Tunisie a adopté une nouvelle loi anti-terrorisme en Juillet, menaçant les droits humains et pas de garanties suffisantes contre les abus. La loi, qui a remplacé la Loi antiterroriste de 2003, adoptée par le Ben Ali, a les pouvoirs de surveillance et de contrôle des forces de sécurité, il étend Communicado de détention de six à un maximum de 15 jours pour les suspects terroristes, permet les tribunaux pour fermer audiences au public et vous permet de cacher l’identité des témoins à l’accusé.
Une étude menée par Human Rights Watch en Juillet a constaté que les autorités tunisiennes, sous prétexte de lutte contre le terrorisme, ont arbitrairement interdit aux personnes de moins de 35 ans de voyager dans certains pays -y compris l’Algérie, la Libye, le Maroc et la Turquie, sans l’autorisation préalable père.
A propos de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire de la Tunisie, la Constitution garantit l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire. Le 15 mai, le Parlement a adopté une loi visant à créer un mandat constitutionnel du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature (SJC). Ses fonctions comprennent la surveillance de la discipline et de l’évaluation de l’avancement de la carrière des juges judiciaire.
Une semaine après son adoption, 30 membres du parlement ont contesté la nouvelle loi devant le Conseil constitutionnel, arguant que sa composition et le mandat ne satisfont pas le chapitre constitutionnelle sur le système judiciaire. En Juin, le Conseil a pris la décision d’invalider la loi et l’a envoyé au parlement pour révision. Le 13 Novembre, le Parlement a adopté la version finale de la loi, confirmant la demande du Conseil constitutionnel pour enlever la composition du procureur général de la justice militaire en tant que membre ex-officio.
Enfin, l’ONG a dénoncé l’usage de la torture et des traitements inhumains et dégradants. En mai 2014, le rapporteur spécial de l’ONU sur la torture, a déclaré que les procureurs et les juges tunisiens avaient pas eu des allégations de torture d’une enquête datant de l’époque de Ben Ali et après la révolution de 2011. La situation était même aussi en 2015, bien que l’Assemblée nationale constituante a adopté une loi pour créer une Autorité de 16 membres pour la prévention de la torture en Octobre 2013, pas encore en vigueur. Sous son mandat, la Haute Autorité procédera à des inspections inopinées des lieux de détention.
En 2015, la loi tunisienne permet toujours la police de refuser l’accès à un avocat pendant les six premiers jours de détention, généralement la période pendant laquelle les détenus sont confrontés à une pression accrue à avouer. La loi anti-terroriste adoptée en Juillet a prolongé la période d’un maximum de 15 jours, dans le cas de personnes soupçonnées de terrorisme, ce qui augmente le risque de torture.
Il y a eu plusieurs incidents documentés de torture et d’autres mauvais traitements en 2015. Le 4 Août, sept hommes arrêtés sur des accusations de terrorisme, ont déposé des plaintes formelles de torture au moment de la libération. Peu de temps après, les agents de la police anti-terrorisme qui a accusé les arrêtés de nouveau. Les hommes ont été soumis à un examen médico-légal qui a conclu que cinq d’entre eux présentaient des signes compatibles avec des allégations de torture. Le 10 Août, le procureur de la Cour de première instance de Tunis a ouvert une enquête.
Plus tôt, le procureur de la Cour de Sidi Bouzid a ouvert une enquête sur le cas d’Abdelmajid Ejday après sa mort, le 13 mai, alors qu’il était au siège de la Garde nationale de la ville. Ejday avait déposé une plainte pour torture contre quatre semaines avant que les agents qui l’ont arrêté en Février. Un examen médico-légal a signalé la découverte des blessures sur son corps.

ICE in Tunisia: a new opportunity for the South Export Plan

  • 30 January 2016

The ICE – Italian Agency for promotion abroad and the internationalization of enterprises- under the Plan Export South, in support of the Convergence Regions (Calabria, Campania, Apulia, Sicily), organized a mission in Tunis. This mission is created for the operators who came from these regions and its principals issues are: the areas of renewable energy, waste treatment, water treatment, aimed at promoting industrial and technological partnership with Tunisian counterparts.
The initiative was created with the objective to promote the internationalization of businesses in the Convergence regions -the areas covered by the Plan- promoting and facilitating partnerships technological and industrial cooperation with Tunisian operators.
The mission took place in Tunis on 26 and 27 January 2016 and was divided into three sections:
– The first session of training and information seminars, where specialists of major institutional and international financial organizations operating in Tunisia (EU, BAD, World Bank, EIB, EBRD) introduced their investment programs and development of potential interest of Italian companies .
– A second phase in which were held individual meetings with Italian participants selected local partners interested in exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships, and industrial technology.
– The second day was realized the last section, in which the participants conducted visits to production sites, specialized districts, technology parks, companies or other sites deemed useful depending on the characteristics and objectives of Italian companies participating.
Due to geographical proximity, favourable legislation – particularly in the field of incentives – and the low cost of production factors, Tunisia is a production platform interesting for Italian companies engaged in diversifying its activities, and is an important hub for the enter in new markets (especially North Africa, French-speaking Africa and the Gulf countries). Italy is currently the second largest investor and the second trading partner of Tunisia, with a bilateral trade in 2014 amounted to about 5.5 billion Euros.
Three are the emerging sectors in the Tunisian economy, which offer significant new opportunities for Italian companies: development of energy production from renewable sources, exploitation and disposal of waste water treatment. Local development strategies are oriented to these issues, as well as programs of financial and technical cooperation of the major international organizations working in the area.
The initiative takes place within the South Export Plan which aims to promote the internationalization of SMEs, promoting the image of Italian products in the world and is among the measures envisaged by the Action Plan for Cohesion (CAP) as part of reprogramming process of the Research and Competitiveness 2007-2013.
This is a three years plan and supports the promotion of products and services – made in the regions of Campania, Calabria, Puglia and Sicily – in international markets. The Operational Programme on the second year will take place from 1 February 2015 to 31 January 2016, except for some exhibitions that will be completed by the first quarter of 2016, with a budget of EUR 18.800.000 net general expenses equal to 6%. The scheduled events are seventy-nine initiatives, including actions to support the promotion, management and implementation of the Plan. The recipients of the support lines are both businesses, especially MSMEs, start-ups, universities and technological parks, consortia and business networks in the four regions of the Convergence, which will benefit both of a range of services to character training, mostly free of charge. This is a program of promotional activities aimed at increasing the level of export propensity of entrepreneurial and productive of the four Convergence Regions.
The Plan, in according to the actions of public support for companies already made by ICE-Agency, is focused on the sectors considered priorities and will develop according to the logic of the industry. The initiatives will concern:
– The agro-food industry, (food, fruit and vegetables, viticulture, horticulture, fish);
– The fashion sector (textiles / clothing, footwear, tannery, goldsmith, publishing, cinematography);
– The chain of mobility (marine, aerospace, logistics, mechanical);
– The chain of furniture and construction (furniture, architectural restoration, urban development, stone, infrastructure);
– The high technology sector, (Nano biotechnology, mechatronics, ICT);
– The energy sector (environment and renewable energy).

The disastrous consequences of Islamic terrorism on the southern Mediterranean Countries: an opportunity to the other Mediterranean Countries

  • 26 January 2016

In the southern Mediterranean Countries there are the heavy consequences of the violence and terror that is spreading throughout the world the self-styled Islamic State. As a result, the sector most affected is the tourism sector, now clearly in crisis and in a state of decline, seemingly unstoppable.
The Tunisian Minister of Tourism and Handicrafts, Salma Elloumi Rekik, denounced the drama of the situation: ” Only 4.8 million foreign tourists visited Tunisia until 20 November 2015, it means a fall of 26% in comparison with the same period last year ”. The indicators show a negative rate also as far as concern tourism the receipts in foreign currency (-33% from last year) and hotel nights (-44%).
The minister explained that the decline is mainly due to the problematic security situation in the country. This uncertainty has a consequence that tourists from far countries avoid the Tunisia. The anomaly, however, is that, tourists from neighboring countries; however, seem not to suffer the effect of the anxiety of the terrorist threat. The Algerian tourists, in fact, are increase of 17.2%.
In Morocco, the minister Lahcen Addad said that the damage of international terrorism on tourism in the country amounted to 500 million dirham, equal to about 50 million Euros. Country tourism sector started this decline since the attacks on the Bardo Museum in Tunisia and the loss amount to 10%. According to the minister, in fact, the last eleven months have been full of tension and this led to “a loss of 85,000 tourists and the diminution of nights equal to 6.6%.” Addad Minister pointed out that the decline of tourists is recorded mainly from France and Italy; while “Belgium bookings were less than 2%, those of French and Italian exceeded 5%”.
The situation in Egypt is dramatic. Operators are now weary and tired, often forced to change jobs, hoping in the return of tourists. However tourists, after the recent crash in the Sinai Airbus Russian, become even sparser. Throughout the course of the Nile, the economic situation is disastrous. ” There are about 1 million and 400 thousand of inhabitants in the province of Aswan – says the governor, Mostafa Yousry – the 60% of these, work in tourism and the remaining 40% in agriculture. Crops of sugar cane, mostly ”. Here, the reflections of the revolution of 2011 are devastating. ” Today we are 25% of our accommodation capacity ”. Before revolution, there were 300 cruise ships sailed the Nile, now there are quite a dozen. The staff employed on board, is composed mostly by British, German, and Chinese.
At Aswan there are two years that population tries to diversify by developing the mining sector: granite, iron, phosphate. The reserves amount to several million cubic meters (700 of granite, 600 of phosphate and 420 of iron). The intention of the authorities, the idea is to create new industrial zones ” creating jobs and giving people an alternative to this ”. Together with Korean, we said, ” we are going to build a factory of granite that will be the largest in the Middle East ”. For now, though, the economic fortunes of Upper Egypt are linked to the security guarantees that the central government will give tourists.
The Mediterranean countries, however, are not discouraged and try to react.
Tunisia, in fact, will allocate in 2016 a sum of about 25 million euro to finance tourism promotion campaigns. During 2016 will know an increase in tourism in Tunisia ” assured Hamm, director general of the National Office of Tunisian Tourism, adding that soon there will be a meeting with professionals to decide how best to approach the next season. ” The diplomatic action should help Tunisia overcome the difficulties experienced by the tourism industry especially with the lifting of travel bans in the country issued by some countries for security reasons ”, again he emphasized the general manager National Office of Tourism.
In addition to strengthening the security of the tourist sites in coordination with other ministries, the Minister of Tourism and Handicrafts Tunisian Rekik announced other the measures to revitalize the sector: the creation of a film about the delivery of the Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Quartet in Oslo on December 10, is approved. Among other measures planned there is the enlargement of tourist supply to the African countries of Tunisia, Iran, China, the expansion of air traffic, and the development of domestic tourism, continues to increase, with the opening of 11 maisons d’hotel.
In Algeria also, a project worth a total of about 13 million euro for the creation of a new resort, is under construction, near the city of Bennacer Benchohra, in the southwestern province of Laghouat in Algeria. According to the direction of the Algerian tourism and craft (Dta), the private investment of 1.6 billion dinars (13 million euro) will be built on an area of 20 hectares, in 24 months. The project will include a shopping center and a space exhibition contributing to tourism development and marketing of traditional crafts of the region.
The crisis in the southern Mediterranean has also a positive consequence: tourists -especially Russian- will devote their attention elsewhere. Especially Greece and Spain could be the beneficiary of this situation. Russian tourists, in fact, represented the largest revenue for the countries now in deep crisis. Habits and extra spending in favor of products very expensive makes this slice of the market very attractive and subject, and, as a consequence there is a bitter dispute.
Basing on the official data, however, it seems simple find the winner. Greece, in fact, is the disadvantaged Country. The last anti-austerity package imposed by Brussels, in fact, was expected to increase in VAT from 13% to 23% for hotels and restaurants in the Aegean islands. The reaction of the entrepreneurs in the sector, however, could change things: for they have already announced that they will raise prices for their customers, but they will pay their own pockets the fee increased.
The game is played on the level of bureaucracy with a “visa war”. The EU in fact imposes entry visas to non-EU tourists, documents that are released, in our case, by the consulates in major Russian cities. Even in this area the advantage is Spanish: Spain, in fact, has seven points for issuing tourist visas to Russia, scattered in the vast territory, unlike Greece, which has just three, concentrated in Moscow and St. Petersburg, for come with limited staff (35 employees issuing visas hundred daily).

The development of Balkan tourism: a growing sector

  • 25 January 2016

Data on tourism in the countries of the Balkans confirm that the growth in this sector is real and extends, with some differences, in all countries of the area.
Continuing with the analysis of the available data for the different countries, it is possible verify that claim.
The situation in Croatia is particularly positive. As far as concern the tourism sector, in fact, 2015 was another record year, with increases in arrivals and overnight stays that exceed all expectations, placing the country among the most popular summer destinations in the Mediterranean.
According to the Croatian Ministry of Tourism, in 2015 tourists on Croatian territory have increased 8.3% compared to 2014, more than 14 million. Foreign tourists are the majority of total tourists, and in 2015 there, number is increased of 8.1% compared with 2014. The overnight stays were registered almost 79 million, representing growth of 6.8% of annual level.
The best destination is the coast of Istria, which traditionally holds the first place, and in 2015 was chosen by 25% of the tourists who went on Croatian territory. The flow of tourists has also directed towards the beaches and the beautiful Dalmatian Dubrovnik. The capital of Zagreb, although inland, from the entrance of the country in the European Union in 2013, is becoming increasingly attractive as a tourist destination and has seen a 13% increase in attendance last year.
Even the data about Serbian situation are positive. In 2014, in fact, in the heart of the Balkan country entered the economic record flows: more than 1.139 billion dollars is the tourism expenditure from foreign capital, record that marks an increase of 8.2% compared to 2013. The data of the Tourist Office Serbia indicate an increase of 11% of the foreigners arrived for tourism in the country during 2015 (compared with the previous year). Gordana Plamenac, Director of the National Tourism Organisation of Serbia said: “For several years, our country is experiencing a new revival: in business opportunities for foreign companies, in international relations and tourism, Serbia has positioned in the geography of destinations, thanks to the energy of a new entrepreneurial class and creative”.
The Italian tourists flux in Serbia shows how Italians increasingly choose the country from holiday destinations. This is the reason for which the National Tourism Organisation of Serbia has a lot of attention and sensitivity to the Italian market. In early 2015, in fact, the Italian tourists have increased compared to the first quarter of 2014 by 4.1% and + 10% for overnight stays.
The entire territory of Serbia is becoming an attractive tourist. This is demonstrated by the fact that before the Orthodox New Year, the capital Belgrade had a boom in bookings with a fill rate of 90% of the hotels. Serbs operators of tourist sector are satisfied and the increase of foreign tourists resumed the trends of recent years. This rate was somewhat expected because Belgrade is increasingly known as a new tourist destination in Europe, with prices significantly cheaper than other European capitals.
In Bosnia-Herzegovina, tourist flows are supported mainly by the “religious tourism”, immediately followed by “natural tourism” that attract tourists from all over Europe thanks to the beauties offered by the territory. The best destination, in fact, is Medjugorje, that for its spirituality is today a reference point for the pilgrimage to Eastern Europe. Religious tourism is booming in the Balkans. The trips for religious reasons represent 2.1% of the total, with an increase of 48.5%; absorbing 5% of the turnover of the sector.
Bosnia and Herzegovina, as this data shows, is one of the nations with the most relevant in terms of tourism offered. This interest has also led to the increase in the supply of air links, such as the establishment of direct flights from airports in Naples and Bari to Mostar.
The latest official data published by the European Union about the tourism sector of Slovenia, relative to 2014, reveal that this Balkan country also participates of the positive trend.
The arrivals, compared to 2013, increased by four percentage points, while the expenditure of non-residents for an overnight stay increased by 2%.
The Slovenian tourist attractions are both natural and historical-cultural and tourist flows extend throughout all the year, as there is also an offer, recently re-launched the ski industry.
The last European relations, however, shows also a weakness of Slovenia: the transport sector. In fact, it should be significantly increased and innovated, to support the increase in foreign tourist arrivals.
Tourism remains a leading sector of the Montenegrin economy. Montenegro, according to the WTO (World Tourism Organization), is among the top three tourist destinations with the highest rates of growth in the world. In addition, according to the MTO, tourism in Montenegro until 2023 will grow 8.9% per year and in 2023 revenue from tourism will reach 1.7 billion euro. The World Council for travel and tourism, in its latest report, has placed Montenegro in first place out of 184 countries for growth in tourism for 2014 and for growth in the long term (ten years). According to data published by Monstat, in the period from January to March 2015, Montenegro has hosted 65 thousands of tourists, 19.3% more than the same period of 2014. The number of overnight stays made amounted to 240 thousands, the 16.6% more than the same period of 2014.
Finally, the tourism sector in Albania offers probably the most room for improvement and intervention. This sector is very important for the development of the local economy, with a contribution of about 13% in the formation of GDP, with an increasing trend in the number of visitors and 16,888 companies operating in the hotel and restaurant.
The Albanian Ministry of Tourism and Urban Development has recently approved a document on the strategy for the development of the tourism sector in Albania for the period 2014-2020. Ministry has already begun negotiations with representatives of the tourist industry, with the aim of prepare policies to encourage this sector and stimulate its growth. Although the Government has repeatedly identified the development of the tourism sector as one of the top priorities to be pursued, and in view of the great potential offered by the sector, tourism in this country, however, is still essentially local and the majority of tourists come from the Balkans, mainly from Kosovo and Macedonia.
In addition, several critical issues continue to hamper sector development and foreign investment. Consequently, tourist services in Albania are drastically less as compared with tourist services in neighbouring Greece and Montenegro. Moreover, all tourist initiatives are handled privately outside of national plans and public law. Among the problems facing the sector they are those related to the certainty of property titles, the lack of infrastructure, the widespread illegal actions, inadequate of water treatment and purification systems with serious environmental consequences, particularly on the coast, but also the persistent problems related to the supply of electricity. In the near future it will expected a large increase in requests for concessions on the part of foreign investors towards the coastal areas of Albania for the construction of “resorts and spas”, operating throughout the year and for tourism elite.
The sectors most attractive (for foreign direct investment) are the housing infrastructure, the increase and modernization of local residences based on the architecture, the resorts approximately residential areas, the external infrastructure such as swimming pools, gyms, etc. The current location of the structures is concentrated to 67% on the coast, to 22% in urban areas, for the 5% in suburban areas, for the 3% around the lakes and the remaining 3% in mountainous areas.